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Summary
for the busy executive
Labor vitally depends on
the state of industrial capital. Wage rates cannot increase except in
consequence of an increase in the per capita quota of invested capital.
Conversely, a decrease in that quota means capital decumulation
that lowers wage rates, ultimately leading to unemployment.
The
regime of fiat currency has destabilized the interest-rate structure with the
result that bond speculators can siphon off capital from the balance sheet of
productive enterprise surreptitiously. There are laws against
computer-hacking. There are no laws against hackers entering the balance
sheet of industrial enterprise surreptitiously, and making off with illicit
gains through risk-free profits in bond speculation.
The
resulting insufficiency hurts labor even more than it hurts capital. Owners
of capital can protect themselves through exporting their remaining funds to
low-wage countries. The trouble is that well-paid industrial jobs are
exported along with capital, never to return. American labor is stuck with
low-paid service jobs such as flipping hamburgers. The outlook is even
bleaker. As interest rates keep falling, even hamburger-flipping may go the
way of steel-making. Mass unemployment, directly attributable to fiat
currency destabilizing the interest-rate structure, is a real threat.
Invisible
arson
If a part of your
industrial plant burns down, you have to report the capital loss in the
balance sheet and charge the loss against future earnings. Intangible capital
loss is caused by falling interest
rates, because it reveals that
past investment in physical capital has been made at too high a rate as shown
by lower rates now available. There is no way getting around the fact that
the cost of servicing debt, contracted earlier at a higher rate, is made more
onerous by the falling interest-rate structure. The present value of
outstanding debt rises, because
capitalizing the same stream of payments at a lower rate of interest results
in a higher capital value. Yet nobody is reporting a capital loss when
falling interest rates decimate the value of industrial capital, and nobody
makes provision for replenishing impaired capital by charging the loss to
future earnings. Society lives in a fool’s paradise thinking that it
can eat into capital, no tightening belts is necessary, and the day of
reckoning will never dawn.
Why
is there no requirement to report capital losses due to falling interest rates, and why is the firm allowed to get
away without putting aside a loss reserve to compensate for losses arising
out of the falling of interest rate structure? Why is a loss caused by real fire treated differently from a loss
caused by invisible fire? Could it
be part of the “invisible arson” to cover up the footprint of the
central bank’s counter-productive monetary policy, namely, open-market
purchases of bonds?
To
be sure, the introduction of out-and-out fiat money in 1971 was invisible
arson, without flames and smoke, but all the greater devastation of the
capital of productive enterprise. Mainstream economists have
„forgotten” to investigate the untoward consequences of the
regime of fiat money, especially the damage it has caused
through the destabilization of interest rates.
It
is incumbent upon labor leaders to demand that damage caused
by capital losses be repaired whether they were caused
by real fire or by the invisible arson of falling interest rates. In either
case capital supporting laborers in production has been impaired and unless
the loss is charged to future earnings, wage rates will be squeezed and
ultimately the economy will succumb to unemployment. Owners of capital should
not be allowed to bolt for greener pastures, leaving labor behind in the
lurch.
Silent
textbooks
Textbooks on accounting do
not mention the need for setting aside loss reserves to repair capital in the
wake of falling interest rates. Hundreds of codes that have been written
since Luca Pacioli invented double-entry
book-keeping are silent on this subject as well. Why? The answer to this
question is found in the fact that a move in the rate of interest used to be
akin to continental drift: it would take decades before changes were
noticeable. There is an additional problem. The decline in interest rates, if
it ever occurred, was necessarily limited under the gold standard. Savers
would never let interest rates fall indefinitely. They would step in, sell
the overpriced government bond and would not buy them back until the trend in
interest rates were reversed.
A
rapid decline of interest rates that was unthinkable previously has been made
possible after the introduction of global fiat currency in 1971. Moreover,
beforehand the decline could not continue indefinitely as gold withdrawals
would sooner or later put an end to it. But this obstruction had been removed
by the global regime of fiat currency. Bondholders and depositors could no
longer withdraw gold. The lack of obstruction to stop the fall of interest
rates means that businessmen, once lethargic, stay lethargic. They understood
what the threat of interest rates falling further meant for them. No matter
how low interest rates were, they would not look attractive as further fall
would make their investment fail. This is the conundrum of the deflation in Japan,
where interest rates still keep falling from very low levels. Mainstream
economists say that it is a reflection of the high saving propensities of the
Japanese people. This is, of course, nonsense. It is the reflection of the
lethargy of the Japanese businessmen. They do not see the light at the end of
the tunnel. They do not see the end to the decline of interest rates.
By
1971 accounting was politicized. It was not in the interest of the powers
that be to alarm people about dangers threatening them by virtue of fiat
currency. Book-keeping rules were relaxed accordingly. The transition from
the gold standard to irredeemable currency was hailed as a positive
development, all benefits and no setbacks. The greatest con-job in all
history was to foist the fiat dollar on an unsuspecting world.
Anti-industrial
revolution
Labor leaders should also
demand an answer to the broader question: in whose interest does the U.S.
government maintain a reactionary monetary regime, that
of fiat currency with a one-hundred percent mortality rate, as proved by
history? The introduction of this regime could be described, in the words of Ayn Rand’s Atlas
Shrugged, as the “anti-industrial
revolution,” the effect of which is the de-industrialization of America
as shown by the disappearance of the apparel industry, shoe industry, steel
industry, VCR and TV set manufacturing industry, with the auto industry not too far behind.
It
is no use trying to explain the demise of these industries in America with
„progress” in the international division of labor. It is no use
trying to compare it to the demise of the horseshoe industry and
candle-making in the 19th century. When horseshoe production was
abandoned, no American jobs were exported. In the present instance steel jobs
are exported and now steel has to be imported. Why? Because
the “paper aristocracy” of America finds the export of paper
(read: paper money) more profitable than the export of steel.
The
government and politicians take credit for “job-creation”. But
the truth is that the jobs created are mostly make-believe jobs. What has
been hailed as a heroic job-creation program appears, in the present light, a
miserable effort at damage-control by the same government that has destroyed
well-paid industrial jobs in the first place through the introduction of an
unconstitutional and anti-labor monetary regime.
“Thou
shalt not push this crown of thorns on the brow of
labor”
This regime was originally
promoted as a savior of labor. „Thou shalt
not push down this crown of thorns on the brow of labor; thou shalt not crucify mankind on this cross of gold!”
cried William Jennings Brian, condemning the gold standard, during his failed
presidential election campaign in 1896. These words have reverberated until
1933 when F.D. Roosevelt hit the war-path to knock out gold money for once
and all. He sabotaged the constitutional monetary regime of the United States
by grabbing people’s gold. It is important to understand why Roosevelt’s monetary tinkering was anti-labor, in
spite of it being promoted as a move to raise prices and to restore full
employment.
By
1932 there were signs that the severe recession was over. During the
presidential election campaign rumor-mongers spread the word that Roosevelt,
once elected, was planning „to go off gold”, following the 1931
example set by Britain.
Roosevelt never issued a denial and, after
elected, he made himself unavailable for direct questioning. Apparently he
was relishing the prospect of a banking crisis that was developing in the
wake of those rumors. He could grab much dictatorial power if the country lay
prostrate financially on Inauguration
Day, which is exactly what has happened. Was it all planned? Be that as it
may, after inauguration he
railroaded unconstitutional monetary legislation through a servile Congress,
including the incredible measure of confiscating the gold of the people and
writing up its value afterwards.
“Legal
and moral chaos”
The ‘profit’
from the government’s arbitrary measure of marking up the value of confiscated
gold was taken right out of industrial capital. In 1935 Supreme Court
justices McReynolds, Van Devanter, Sutherland, and Butler wrote their
minority opinion criticizing the majority in the case Nortz v. the United States, re: reneging on the promise of gold
certificates issued by the U.S. Treasury.
“These were contracts to return gold left on
deposit; otherwise to pay its value in currency… We conclude that, if
given effect, the enactments here challenged will bring about confiscation of
property rights and repudiation of national obligations. Acquiescence in the
decisions just announced is impossible; the circumstances demand a statement
of our views. To let oneself slide down the easy slope offered by the course
of events and to dull one’s mind against the extent of danger…
that is precisely to fail in one’s responsibility.
“Just
men regard repudiation and spoilation of citizens
by their sovereign with abhorrence; but we are asked to affirm that the
Constitution has granted power to accomplish both. No definite delegation of
such power exists; and we cannot believe that the far-seeing framers, who
labored with hope of establishing justice and securing the blessings of
liberty, intended that the expected government should have authority to annihilate its own obligations and
destroy the very rights which they were endeavoring to protect. Not only is
there no permission for such actions; they are inhibited. And no plentitude
of words can conform them to our charter.
“The
federal government is one of delegated and limited powers which derive from
the Constitution. It can exercise only the powers granted to it. Powers
claimed must be denied unless granted… The fundamental problem now
presented is whether recent statutes passed by Congress in respect of money
and credits were designed to attain a legitimate end. Or whether, under the
guise of pursuing a monetary policy, Congress really has inaugurated a plan primarily designed to destroy
private obligations, repudiate national debts, and drive into the Treasury
all gold within the country, in exchange for inconvertible promises to pay,
of much less value.
“Considering
all the circumstances, we must conclude they show that the plan disclosed is
of the latter description and its enforcement would deprive the parties
before us of their rights under the Constitution. Consequently the Court
should do what it can to afford adequate relief… The end or objective
of the Joint Resolution [of June 5, 1933] was not “legitimate”.
The real purpose was not ‘to assure uniform value to the coins and
currencies of the United
States’, but to destroy certain
valuable contractual rights…
“It
was not intended to give Congress the power under the law to repudiate the
obligations in question… No such power was ever granted by the framers
of the Constitution. It was not there then. It was not there yesterday. It is
not there today. We are confronted with a condition in which the dollar may
be reduced to 50 cents today, to 30 cents tomorrow, to 10 cents the next day,
and to 1 cent the day after…
“Under
the challenged statutes it is said that the United States has realized
profits amounting to $2,800,000,000. But this assumes that gain may be
generated by legislative fiat. To such counterfeit profits there would be no
limit; with each new debasement of the dollar they would expand. Two billions
might be ballooned indefinitely ― to twenty, to thirty, or what you
will.
“Loss of reputation for honorable dealing
will bring us unending humiliation. The impending legal and moral chaos is
appalling.”
Savior or saboteur?
Prophetic words! As a
consequence of gold confiscation the recovery of 1932 aborted and the economy
was plunged into the deepest depression ever. The value of government bonds
shot up and interest rates started plunging. Industrial capital was
decimated. The value of productive capital did not disappear without a trace.
It was illicitly transferred to financial capital in the form of risk-free
profits from bond speculation. It was arson that burnt down the industrial
landscape, and made laborers fugitives on their home ground. Roosevelt was
the invisible arsonist, as sentenced by the minority of dissenting justices
on the Supreme Court of the United
States in 1935. Today the saboteur is
celebrated as the savior.
Roosevelt’s duplicity is unprecedented. In a Memo
he stated: “Speculation, where [participants] could earn money without
work, was the pipe dream… which led to growth of special interest that
did not coincide with the interest of the nation as a whole. We cannot allow
economic life to be controlled by a small group of men… tinctured by
the fact that they can make huge profits, not from production but from
lending money and marketing securities… we cannot tolerate this
opportunistic, selfish attitude…”
Risk
free bond speculation
It would be a mistake to
believe that with the Great Depression behind us, the issue is settled. Far
from it. An even greater scourge is upon us. The interest-rate structure is
still acting as the wrecker’s ball on the economy. Falling interest
rates still make it possible for speculators to derive risk-free profits or,
in the words of the dissenting justices, ‘counterfeit profits’.
In
fact, Roosevelt’s monetary legislation
is ultimately responsible for making bond speculation risk free. Speculators
take their clues from the open market purchases of bonds by the Federal
Reserve (Fed). They know the Fed has to buy the bonds in the open market. All that bond speculators have to do is to forestall Fed
action. They buy just before the Fed does, and sell just after. In this way
they can consistently derive risk-free profits. Roosevelt
created a situation which is a thousand times worse than what he has condemned.
The “huge profits” to which Roosevelt
referred to in his Memo were at least not risk-free. Roosevelt’s
confiscation of people’s gold introduced an era of relentlessly rising
bond prices, offering risk-free profits to bond speculators.
The
worst part of the arson is that it is self-perpetuating. The fall in interest
rates is open-ended. No matter how low they go, the
threat that interest rates may go even lower acts as a deterrent to
businessmen to take out the loan. Every attempt at recovery is nipped in the
bud. By contrast under a gold standard a fall in interest rates is
self-limiting. It is resisted by the savers who will progressively withdraw
gold as rates fall. For this reason under a gold standard there is no bond
speculation. Bond prices and interest rates are stable.
Gold,
the protector of the people
We must understand that
gold is the only competitor that government bonds have. Savers, if not
satisfied with the rate of interest offered by the government on its bonds,
can hold on to the gold coin of the realm. Once gold is confiscated, the
safest place to park one’s savings is the government bond. People are
at the mercy of the government (and adventurers in government). Gold is the
protector of the people against financial dictatorship.
Similarly,
if the rate of interest is pushed too far down by the banks, savers can
register their protest by putting their savings into gold with the resulting
squeeze on bank reserves. Paper
currency is no substitute for gold
coins in this regard. If dissatisfied savers had withdrawn their money
from the bank and parked their savings in paper money, they would have been
jumping from the frying pan into the fire: exchanging a low rate for zero
rate. They would have acted contrary to purpose. The only effective way to
protest low interest rates is to sell the overpriced bond and keep the
proceeds in gold coins until interest rates rise. At that time savers could
buy back their bonds at a lower price. Therein we find the rationale for
gold. This is what gold coins are for: to give savers clout so that they may
not be at the mercy of the banks and the government.
Grabbing
the gold coin of the savers is highway robbery. What the Roosevelt
administration did to them was even worse. It made people helpless in the
face of the banks’ design to plunge them into permanent debt slavery.
As Roosevelt forcibly removed the gold coin,
there was an additional effect: destabilizing the rate of interest. Freed
from competition, the price of government bonds soared and interest rates
plunged. As explained above, plunging interest rates eroded capital values
across the board. The weakening capital structure meant that firms lost
pricing power. Prices fell together with interest rates. Falling prices caused interest rates to fall more. A vicious
circle was set in motion. The effect was cumulative. The devastation of their
capital by falling interest rates bankrupted firms, exacerbated by the
domino-effect. Financially healthy firms were knocked down by the fall of the
financially weak. The Great Depression hit the nation and the world.
The
World in the Grip of a Mistake
Keynes was ready with an
explanation: the Great Depression was caused
by the “contractionist bias” of the
gold standard. Government propagandists took over from him and wore down
upright monetary economists who made a case for maintaining the
constitutional monetary standard. Through bribe, blackmail, and attrition
upright monetary economists were eliminated from the scene. If allowed to
write ‘without fear and favor’, they would have alerted the world
that permanently falling interest rates not only plunge the economy into deep
depression, but also kill any recovery attempt in the bud. No matter how low
interest rates are, the prospect of a further fall will prevent businessmen
to take the loans. That is why a
permanently falling interest rate structure must be avoided at all hazards.
Under the regime of fiat currency there is no guarantee that the fall will
hit bottom, precisely because of
the presence of risk-free bond speculation. By contrast under a gold standard
rising bond prices invite profit-taking. Bondholders will sell, and stay
invested in the gold coin of the realm. They will not buy back the bonds
until interest rates come back to acceptable levels. The ‘black hole of
zero interest’ is cordoned off. The gold coin in the hands of the
people is a sine qua non of a
durable monetary system. Without it both runaway inflations and deflations
are possible.
The
world has been in the grip of a colossal mistake, the belief that the gold
standard was the cause of
deflation and that gold is the enemy of labor. The economic damage caused by this mistake has been enormous. But it
has also served as camouflage for the real culprit: the regime of fiat
currency. The amount of taxpayer money wasted on the altar of Moloch defies
counting. There is no way to calculate the cost of all the counter-productive
and self-defeating government measures inflicted on the nation and on the
world. The damage caused by the
consequences of destabilizing foreign exchange and interest rates is
incalculable. The chief loser was labor. In order to see this clearly we must
look at their effect on the marginal productivity of labor.
Marginal
productivity
Each worker has his or her productivity
measured by the annualized percentage of value added to the product as it is
passing through the production process. If we rank all workers in the labor
force according to increasing productivity, we find that those at the low end
of the spectrum may be left idle. For example, some pensioners still wanting
to earn wages may be too old to qualify. Similarly, people with physical or
mental handicap could be judged unfit for industrial employment.
At
the same time it should be pointed out that many handicapped people can still
find industrial employment, provided that they are productive enough.
However, it is not heartlessness to observe that the responsibility to
provide meaningful occupation for handicapped people without means of self-support,
in order to help them to become useful members of their community, rests with
charity rather than industry. For example, charitable foundations could be
established that created public parks and employed wardens, or to train
handicapped people to become self-supporting as street vendors, etc. At any
rate there is a marginal worker in
the labor force who is still employed but others with a lower productivity
are not because the opportunity
cost of employing them is too high.
The
productivity of the marginal worker is called the rate of marginal productivity of labor (for short, marginal
productivity of labor). The person playing the role of the marginal worker
may of course change, even change frequently and with it changes the rate of
marginal productivity of labor. Contrary to popular misconception, an
increase in the marginal productivity of labor is not a blessing. It means
that that some productive workers have been reclassified as submarginal and lost their jobs. This happens routinely
whenever industrial capital is eroded, plants and
equipment are taken out of production as a result of insufficient capital
maintenance and inadequate depreciation quotas.
Obstruction
to capital accumulation
The opposite case is that
of falling marginal productivity of labor. Generally
it is a welcome development as it is beneficial to society. It has the effect
of making submarginal labor productive. We could
describe it as equipping laborers with optimal tools so that their
contribution to the social product is maximized. It is important to
understand that to make the beneficial decline in the rate of marginal
productivity possible, further accumulation of capital is necessary. Hitherto
submarginal workers can then find employment,
thanks to more or better tools made available to help them become more
productive. As a byproduct, more physically or mentally handicapped people,
along with many others, could find meaningful industrial employment as
unskilled or semi-skilled laborers.
As
long as no obstacles are erected in the way of capital accumulation, there
will be no unemployment. The presence of unemployment in society necessarily
implies that obstructions to capital accumulation exist, as not all workers
eager to earn wages are given the tools needed to make their work productive.
In a free labor market there is a tendency to make the marginal worker and
the least productive worker to be one and the same person.
Capital
accumulation pilloried
In the real world there are
many obstacles in the way of capital accumulation, which prevent the least
productive workers from finding employment. The reason for this unfortunate
state of affairs is mainly ignorance and envy. Capital accumulation is
pilloried as proof of the uncontrolled “acquisitiveness of the
capitalists”. It is hardly ever looked at from the point of view of its
beneficial effects on labor. Virtually
all these obstacles have been created by a misguided effort to help the
indigenous through the wrong means, with the result of leaving them worse off
than they would be without the “help”. Taxing enterprise and
industry to raise revenues in order to fund direct payments to the
able-bodied unemployed is the worst offender. This also includes the
so-called “unemployment insurance” whereby the industrious is
being taxed to subsidize the indolent. In so far as it is an obstruction to
capital accumulation, unemployment insurance has the effect of increasing
unemployment. In the absence of these schemes capital would be accumulated
and suitable tools would be put in the hands of the unemployed. Similar
arguments can be made to condemn a host of misguided labor laws and payroll
taxes, including compulsory health insurance schemes. However, this is not the
problem we want to discuss presently. It must be left as a topic for another
occasion. Here we want to discuss the problem what happens when capital
already accumulated is being eroded and necessary repair is not made in time.
In particular, we want to investigate the problem of falling interest rates causing the marginal productivity of capital to
rise.
Devastation
caused by falling interest rates
Why do falling interest
rates make the marginal productivity of capital rise? As we have seen above,
falling interest rates reveal that the capital in place has been financed at
too high a rate of interest, in view of lower rates now available. The
present value of debt rises. Firms with no debt are not exempt either.
Falling interest rates decimate the value of all industrial capital already
in place, in view of the lower cost of installing new capital.
As
the rate of marginal productivity of capital rises, plant and equipment are
idled. Their labor complement is idled, too. This is tantamount to an increase
in rate of marginal productivity of labor. The conclusion is that falling
interest rates make the marginal productivity of both capital and labor rise,
with the unemployment of capital and labor as the obvious results.
The
Great Depression was not caused by
“vanishing consumer demand”. It was caused
by a fatal weakening of the capital structure of industry, which can be
traced back to the confiscation of the gold coin of the realm by Roosevelt. The capital from the balance sheet of
productive enterprise did not disappear without a trace. It was siphoned off
by financial enterprise: it showed up as the illicit capital gains of the
bond speculators.
Exactly
the same process can be observed today. Bond prices have been increasing
since the early 1980’s, rewarding bond speculators with obscene
profits. These profits did not come out of nowhere. They were siphoned off
the balance sheets of productive enterprise. As measured by the yield of
30-year Treasury bonds, interest rates fell from 16 to 4 percent. Many
observers say that the fall is over and we are in for a steep rise, in view
of the falling international value of the dollar. However, there is reason to
be cautious with jumping to
conclusions. It is possible for the value of the dollar to fall while the
value of dollar bonds rises. The fall in the rate of interest as measured by
the yield of T-bonds may well continue, following the example of Japan. Worse
still, the rate of decline may accelerate. This would mean more precipitous
destruction of capital, more bankruptcies, more deflation, even a fully blown
depression is not impossible.
The
finest hour of American labor
This presidential election
year presents a unique opportunity for American labor leaders. If they
rallied to the plank of Dr. Ron Paul,
advocating Constitutional money and the rehabilitation of the gold standard,
they would make history. It would be the finest hour of American labor to put
an end to this reactionary, unconstitutional, anti-labor experimentation with
the regime of fiat money. History is littered with the debris of fiat
currencies. All of them were hailed in their time as the wave of future. To
no avail: they have all found their resting place in the garbage heap of
history. But not before they have inflicted enormous economic pain,
especially on working people. The present experiment is no exception.
The
government of the United
States has apparently abandoned its
traditional role of protecting labor. Its insane experiment with fiat
currency has a higher priority than the welfare of labor. The government has
abdicated its Constitutional responsibility to retain a system of checks and
balances. In delegating unlimited power to the Fed, it undermined the ideal
of limited government. Remember, the power to create money out of nothing is
unlimited power. The government ignores the economic dangers that go with the
experiment of fiat currency. The Fed has a bag of tricks to combat deflation
and depression, but they are all counter-productive: they make the economic
malady worse, not better. In particular, the Fed seems to be blissfully
unaware of the extreme danger lurking behind a falling interest-rate
structure: the danger of depression as the capital of productive industry is
being plundered by scavengers, speculating risk free on the further rise in
the price of government bonds. Every dollar of profit made by bond
speculators comes out of capital values supporting industrial labor.
Academia
and financial journalism have embraced a servile attitude of Fed worshipping.
“Don’t bite the hand that feeds you.” The public is
completely unprepared for the coming depression caused
by the collision between the falling interest-rate structure and industrial
capital, and its effect on the economy in general, and labor in particular.
Labor
leaders should issue a Mayday call: the boat of industrial capital is
sinking, captain and crew bailing out. America is being
de-industrialized through the corrosive fiat money regime, and is in danger
of disappearing as an economic and financial world power. Labor leaders
should support the only presidential candidate, Ron Paul,
who understands the problem and has the right plan to deal with it. The
de-industrialization of America
must stop at once. This means a return to the regime of stable interest rates
and constitutional money.
References
By the same author:
Fiat
Currency: Destroyer of Capital, December, 2007
Gold
Is the Cure for the Job-Drain, September, 2002
The
Root Cause of Unemployment, I-II,
January, 2007
These and other articles of the same author can be accessed at: www.professorfekete.com
Memo
from F.D. Roosevelt to Trade Commissioner Landis, Nov. 14, 1933, as quoted in
Blog #28,
comment on Floyd Norris’ column in The
New York Times entitled “Fear at the Fed”,
December 12, 2007.
Antal E. Fekete
Gold Standard University
aefekete@hotmail.com
Information
contained herein is obtained from sources believed to be reliable, but its
accuracy cannot be guaranteed. It is not intended to constitute individual
investment advice and is not designed to meet your personal financial
situation. The opinions expressed herein are those of the author and are subject to change without notice.
The information herein may become outdated and there is no obligation to
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