This year marks the 150th anniversary of the
end of the American “Civil War,” more accurately described as the War to
Prevent Southern Independence. It is also the 31st
anniversary of the movie, The Godfather, Part II. A
single scene in the movie illustrates the true cause of the “Civil War.”
The scene in question involves a Hells Kitchen New York
Mafia boss in the early twentieth century named Don Fanucci, whose character
is based on a real-life Mafia boss named Ignazio Lupo (“Lupo the
Wolf”). In the scene Don Fanucci meets with a young Vito
Corleone (who would later become “The Godfather”) after discovering that
young Vito and some friends had been quite successful operating as thieves in
the neighborhood. The purpose of the meeting was to extort money from
the young Mafia wannabes since that, after all, was a big part of the
“business” the Mafia was in at the time. Don Fanucci (and Ignazio Lupo)
would go to all business people in Hell’s Kitchen and essentially
say, “If you want to do business in ‘my’ neighborhood, you’ll have to give me
a percentage – or else.” (Ignazio Lupo meant business; he is “credited”
with at least 60 murders). Here is what Don Fannucci said to Vito
Corleone, from the script of The
Godfather, Part II:
Don Fanucci to Vito Corleone: “I hear you and your
friends are stealing goods. But you don’t even send a dress to my
house. No respect! You know I’ve got three daughters. This
is my neighborhood. You and your friends should show me some
respect. You should let me wet my beak a little. I hear you and
your friends cleared $600 each. Give me $200 each, for your own
protection. And I’ll forget the insult. Young punks have to learn
to respect a man like me! Otherwise the cops will come to your
house. And your family will be ruined. Of course, if I’m wrong
about how much you stole, I’ll take a little less. And by less, I only mean –
a hundred bucks less. Now don’t refuse me. Understand,
paisan? Tell your friends I don’t want a lot. Just enough to wet my
beak. Don’t be afraid to tell them!”
In the next scene Vito Corleone murders Don Fanucci and becomes the new
“godfather” of the neighborhood and collector of exortion money for the
privilege of doing business in “his” neighborhood.
The Criminal Cause of the “Civil War”,
In his first inaugural address Abraham Lincoln made essentially the same
exortion threat to the South. But as the head of a powerful government
and not just a small criminal gang, his threat involved “invasion” and
massive “bloodshed” (his exact words) and a war that cost the lives of as
many as 850,000 Americans according to the latest research. This may
seem far-fetched to some, but not if one understands the essential nature of
the state as a parasitic exploiter of the public. The state, said
Murray Rothbard in his essay, “The State,” is by nature “parasitic” in that
“it lives coercively off the production of the citizenry.” The purpose
of the state is for those who run it to plunder those who do not. As
Rothbard further wrote, quoting Albert Jay Nock: “The State claims and
exercises the monopoly of crime . . . . It forbids private
murder, but itself organizes murder on a colossal scale. It punishes
private theft, but itself lays unscrupulous hands on anything it wants,
whether the property of citizen or alien.” Or as George Washington once
said, “Government is not reason; it is not eloquent; it is force” and can
become “a fearful master.”
Extortion is indeed a primary occupation of the state and statists.
As economist and legal scholar Fred McChesney wrote in his book, Money
for Nothing: Politics, Rent Extraction, and Political Extortion
(Harvard University Press, 1997), in the U.S. governments at all levels
routinely propose onerous or even economically-disastrous taxes and
regulations on specific businesses or industries purely in order to solicit
“campaign contributions” from them. Then, after many millions are sent
to politicians of both major parties, the proposed taxes and regulations are
withdrawn. Such proposed legislation is known to Capitol Hill insiders
as “milker bills” since they “milk” money from business people, Don Fanucci
style, minus the threats of murder. Threats of economic ruination (or
income tax audits) usually suffice.
In 1861 Abraham Lincoln was a small-time machine politician from Illinois whose
reputation in politics was that of being a champion of patronage politics and
corporate welfare. He was a wealthy corporate lawyer who represented
all the major railroad corporations in the Mid-West. He traveled in a
private rail car, courtesy of the Illinois Central Railroad, accompanied by
an entourage of executives, and lived in the largest house on what is today
called “Old Aristocracy Row” in Sprinfield, Illinois. His law office
was about fifty paces away from the front door of the Illinois Statehouse.
Lincoln spent his entire political career attempting to use the powers of
the state for the benefit of the moneyed corporate elite (the
“one-percenters” of his day), first in Illinois, and then in the North in
general, through protectionist tariffs, corporate welfare for road, canal,
and railroad corporations, and a national bank controlled by politicians like
himself to fund it all. This was the old Hamiltonian/Whig Party agenda
that Hamilton himself labeled “the American System.” In reality, it was
an American version of the rotten, corrupt, British mercantilist system that
benefited politically-connected corporations at the expense of everyone else.
In his first inaugural address Lincoln wasted no time establishing himself as
what I would call the Don Fanucci of American politics. In the first
part of the speech he made an ironclad defense of Southern slavery, arguably
the most powerful defense of slavery ever made by an American
politician. The purpose of this was to keep the South in the union and,
more importantly, to keep them paying federal taxes, which had just been more
than doubled two days earlier when President Buchanan signed into law the
Morrill Tariff. (At the time tariffs on imports accounted for about 90
percent of federal tax revenue. The Morrill Tariff increased the
average tariff rate from 15% to 32.6%; vastly increased the number of items
covered by the tariff; and provided for a future increase to 47%).
On the issue of slavery, Lincoln promised the strongest possible support.
“I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution
of slavery in the States where it exists,” he said. “ I believe I have
no right do to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.”
He then reminded his Washington, D.C. audience that this same ironclad
defense of Southern slavery was a key part of the Republican Party platform
of 1860. “Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge
that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted
them. . . . I now reiterate these statements . . .”
Next, Lincoln offered the strongest possible support for the enforcement
of the Fugitive Slave Act, which compelled Northerners to hunt down runaway
slaves. Finally, he voiced his support for the proposed “Corwin
Amendment” to the Constitution, which had already passed the House and Senate
with almost exclusively Northern votes, that would have prohibited the U.S.
government from ever interfering with Southern slavery. The text of the
“first thirteenth amendment” read as follows: “No amendment shall be
made to the Constitution which will authorize or give to Congress the power
to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic institutions
thereof, including that of persons held to service.
In mid-March of 1861 Lincoln sent copies of the proposed amendment to all
the state governors. In in first inaugural address he mentioned the
amendment by saying, “I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution –
which amendment, however, I have not seen – has passed Congress, to the
effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with
the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to
service . . . . holding such a provision to now be implied
constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and
irrevocable” (emphasis added).
So on the issue of slavery Lincoln did not even entertain the notion of
some kind of compromise. He issued an ironclad defense of Southern
slavery, period. There was nothing to compromise, in his mind.
The only opposition to slavery that was even discussed by Lincoln and the
Republican Party at the time was opposition to the extension of
slavery into the new territories, of which they gave two reasons.
The first reason was that, because of the Three-Fifths Clause of the
Constitution, limiting the extension of slavery would limit Democratic Party
representation in Congress, making it more likely that “the American System”
could become law. Second, the Republican Party wanted to pander to the
white supremacist North by promising white Northern voters in the
soon-to-become states that there would be no black people living among them
or competing with them for jobs.
On the issue of tariffs, on the other hand, Lincoln was a monstrous,
uncompromising tyrant. “[T]here needs to be no bloodshed or violence,”
he announced in his first address. What on earth, one may ask, could
cause an American president to think of the possibility of inflicting
“bloodshed or violence” on his own citizens?! Lincoln explained in the
next sentence: “The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy
and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to
collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for
these objects, there
will be no invasion, no using force against or among the people anywhere”
(emphasis added).
This was Abe Lincoln’s Don Fanucci moment. What he was saying was
essentially this:
“Here’s the deal. Slavery is already legal and constitutional under
the U.S. system of government, and has been since 1776. We in the North
have no qualms about making slavery “express and irrevocable” right in the
text of the U.S. Constitution. So if you are worried about Northern
instigators of slave rebellions, you are mistaken. Stay in the union
and your slave property will continue to be very well protected.”
“Slavery is a very profitable business, and we in the North intend to
share in those profits. That is one of the main purposes of the Morrill
Tariff, which has just more than doubled the average tariff rate. Since
you, the South, export at least three-fourths of all your agricultural
products and rely so heavily on foreign trade, we in the North cannot – and
will not – tolerate the free-trade policies that you have written into your
Confederate Constitution. [The Confederate Constitution outlawed
protectionist tariffs altogether]. Free trade in the South, and a 50%
tariff rate in the North, the cornerstone of the Republican Party Platform of
1860, will destroy the Northern ports and much of our commerce. We will
not allow this to happen. We have the willingness and the ability to
inflict violence, bloodshed, force, and invasion on the Southern
people. We will not back down this time to the South Carolina tariff
nullifiers as my predecessor, President Andrew Jackson did some thirty years
ago.”
“We are not being any more greedy here than say, our European
counterparts. We only want to wet our beaks, so to speak, by taxing a
portion of your slave profits. There need not be any violence or
bloodshed –as long as you do what we say.”
This is how the Southern politicians understood the motivations of the
Yankee political elite in early 1861. Jefferson Davis himself
demonstrated this understanding in his own first inaugural address, delivered
in Montomery, Alabama, on February 18, 1861:
“[O]ur true policy is peace, and the freest trade which our necessities
will permit . . . and that . . . there should be the fewest practicable
restrictions upon the interchange of commodities . . . . If, however,
passion or the lust of dominion should cloud the judgment or inflame the
ambition of [the Northern states], we must prepare to meet the emergency and
to maintain, by the final arbitrament of the sword, the position we have assumed
. . .”
Whatever other reasons some of the Southern states might have given for secession
is irrelevant to the question of why there was a war.
Secession does not necessitate war. Lincoln promised war over tax
collection in his first inaugural address. When the Southern states
refused to pay his beloved Morrill Tariff at the Southern ports, he kept his
promise of “invasion and bloodshed” and waged war on the Southern
states. No gangster in the history of the world has ever enforced an extortion
racket on such a gargantuan scale of death, plunder, and destruction.
